Most rebellions/revolts are marked in-large part by violence. When the downtrodden decide to stand-up and declare “no more” it is usually a very bloody affair for both the enslaved and enslaver. However, this is not the case for the Demerara Rebellion of Guyana. This rebellion is marked by its uniqueness in that it was largely non-violent (on the part of the enslaved). This essay will explore the strategy and ethics that went into the Demerara Rebellion. As well, of interest is the philosophy of non-violence that shaped the uprising into the unique historical moment that it is.
The Demerara-Essequibo territory of Guyana was a colony in the West Indies whose ownership shifted from the British to the Dutch and back again throughout the 1700s and the early part of the 19th century. As such, there was shifting ownership of plantations and their resources, particularly for enslaved Africans and sugar cane. The colony itself held thousands of captive Africans on large, highly profitable plantations. According to generous estimates there were about ten thousand captives spread out between close to three hundred individual plantations. On these plantations, the enslaved population was treated very poorly, which fed into feelings of animosity and resentment.
The major players of this uprising were an African born man named Quamina Gladstone and his son Jack Gladstone. They were wards of Sir John Gladstone, owner of the “Success” plantation. On this plantation, Quamina and Jack worked as drivers and coopers, which provided them with a considerable amount of freedom and influence on the plantation and off. Again, it seems that freedom of movement as well as the ethos of being African-born were a powerful combination for the enslaved leader. In planning the uprising, Quamina made it known that this was to be a non-violence revolt. It is not clear why this was the case, perhaps Quamina knew a violent revolt would end badly for both parties or maybe he just wanted to send a powerful message to the enslavers in order to push for a parley. Nevertheless, those who followed Quamina reluctantly agreed to the strategy and promised to not kill any whites, though moderate violence would be allowed.
An excerpt from the fallout of the rebellion states: “The first object of the slaves was to seize upon all the white inhabitants, and confine them in the stocks, to prevent their going to town for troops, and, after having made themselves masters of their arms and ammunition, to go in a body of town to oppose force to force. It was also determined, by the ring-leaders, to break up the public bridges, in order to impede the march of the military.” So, it seems that in addition to locking enslavers up, there was also a strategy for preventing encroachment of the military, which would also prevent further death by keeping the opposing forces from reaching one another. The British colonial forces, however, would not be as kind in their approach. Their mission was to squash the rebellion as completely as possible, which for them meant killing, maiming - and after the dust settled – executions.
When the uprising started martial law was declared and enforced by local security forces as well an ad-hoc militia was assembled to quell the mounting violence. The rebels were only armed with cutlasses, sticks and a couple firearms that were secured from plantations in their path; they were resolute in their charge to not kill. During the revolt, there were a number of significant battles. Namely, at the Reed Estate where 800 rebels stopped production on the land for a number of days, as well the Beehive plantation was also a sight where forces clashed until the rebels were squashed. However, the most significant battle for the Demerara Rebellion took place at Bachelor’s Adventure, where 1500 rebels battled with the governor’s forces for more than a day. At Bachelor’s Adventure there was a standoff between colonial forces and the rebels where Jack Gladstone himself battled alongside his rebel compatriots. The standoff at Bachelor’s Adventure eventually ended, however, Jack and his wife were not captured and remained on the run for about two weeks. Around September 6th Jack and his wife were finally brought in by Captain McTurk without any further violence.
Another interesting aspect of the Demerara Revolt is the involvement of John Smith, a white anti-slavery activist who was cited as a major reason for the uprising. To elaborate, Smith was English-born but took a position as a chaplain by the London Missionary Society on February 23, 1817. In Guyana, Smith was known for his rhetoric about the evils of slavery and was accused of inciting the enslaved Africans of Demerara to revolt against the enslavers. Moreover, Smith’s rhetoric may have involved disclosing information that led to the belief that colonial emancipation had already been granted in London but was being withheld by the island’s enslavers. To be clear, there is nothing to directly connect him to this point, nevertheless Smith was known for preaching of the nefarious nature of the colonial slavocracy directly to the enslaved and preached this same truth to power until his dying day.
After the uprising, there were a number of trials of both the revolting Africans and John Smith. Quamina was executed along with scores of other revolting Africans; to add insult to injury Quamina’s body was put on display (along with other leaders) as a warning to future insurrectionists. His son, Jack Gladstone, did not suffer the same fate. Instead he was deported to St. Lucia where he remained until his death. Smith was tried on a number of charges, which essentially boiled down to “promoting discontent and dissatisfaction in the minds of the Negro Slaves towards their Lawful Master”. Though Smith did promote the destruction of Guyana’s slavocracy, it must be said that as an abolitionist he only echoed the sentiments of the enslaved Africans. Meaning, due to the circumstances of their birth Africans did not have to be pushed to realize their discontent, it was clear to them already, Smith merely added fuel to the growing fire. Nevertheless, Smith was tried, found guilty and sentenced to death. While in prison awaiting appeal Smith died of consumption before he could be heard.
The strategies of the enslaved during this revolt were admirable. Due to their non-violent approach it seems their motive was change, not the death and destruction of all whites. Being that this was done under the strict order of Quamina it suggests that he was more interested in discussion and negotiation as opposed to all out war. This type of leadership is to be admired and studied as it demonstrates forethought towards a peaceful resolution. The enslaved merely wanted better conditions, a request that the enslavers had no interest in entertaining. Therefore, what this represents in a missed opportunity on the part of the owners to work with their wards humanely rather than as animals.
 Raymond T. Smith. “History: British Rule Up To 1928.” The Negro Family in British Guiana. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1956).
 It is likely that Quamina was born in Ghana, which was also a British colony.
 Richard B. Sheridan. “The Condition of the Slaves on the Sugar Plantation of Sir John Gladstone in the Colony of Demerara 1812-1849.” (New West Indian Guide: 76: 3), 243-269. John Gladstone entrusted the care of the land and its occupants to a third party named Frederick Cort, who was fired for mismanaging the property.
 Joshua Bryant. Account of an Insurrection of the Negro Slaves in the Colony of Demerara, which broke out on the 18th of August 1823. (Georgetown, Demerara: A Stevenson at the Guiana Chronicle Office, 1824). Emilia Viotti da Costa. Crowns of Glory, Tears of Blood: The Demerara Slave Rebellion of 1823. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).
 Joshua Bryant. Account of an Insurrection of the Negro Slaves in the Colony of Demerara, which broke out on the 18th of August 1823. (Georgetown, Demerara: A Stevenson at the Guiana Chronicle Office, 1824). Moderate violence in this case included beating and/or flogging of masters and overseers, but no killing or maiming. There are reports of enslavers also being put in stocks or tortured in the same fashion that the enslaved Africans were, but no one was allowed to take life.
 Ibid., 6-7.
 Ibid., 52-53.
 Ibid., 52-53.
 Ibid., 83-84.
 Edwin Angel Wallbridge. The Demerara Martyr. (Caribbean Press for the Government of Guyana, 1848).
 Joshua Bryant. Account of an Insurrection of the Negro Slaves in the Colony of Demerara, which broke out on the 18th of August 1823. (Georgetown, Demerara: A Stevenson at the Guiana Chronicle Office, 1824), 91. There were a few other charges tacked on to Smith, however, all of the charges basically centered on the idea that abolitionist riled up enslaved Africans.
 Ibid., 94.
The legend of Bussa’s Rebellion (April 14-16, 1816) is a key element of Barbadian history and culture. Particularly for the formerly enslaved Africans of that island, Bussa has taken on the shape of folk hero and/or saint for his efforts in rebelling against oppression and tyranny of the Barbadian planters. Moreover, Barbados has a rich history of rebellion, which has fed in to the culture and ethos on the small island for over two centuries. This essay will discuss the events of Bussa’s revolt and how it has reverberated throughout history. Further, this essay will briefly exam how Bussa’s rebellion helped to usher in the emancipation of enslaved Africans of Barbados. Of critical important for this discussion is the process of hero making that takes place in the Black community, a religious experience that requires the deification of mortal beings. Simply put, this essay will inquire on how does one become a folk hero in the black community, the sacredness of this position and the ethics that such heroes must exhibit.
There is not much biographical information on Bussa, but what is known provides important clues as to how and why he organized this revolt. First, Bussa was born in Igboland of Nigeria. At an unknown age, he was captured by African merchants and sold to English traders who transported him to Barbados. Second, it is likely he was an older man with a significant amount of influence on the planation as a driver. Evidence to this point rests in the fact that the slave trade for Barbados ended in 1807; if he was African-born he had to have arrived sometime before then. Further, for him to be African, master the language, and gain respect as well as influence 1) among the enslaved who followed him into battle and 2) among the enslavers to trusted him as a driver, he had to have been in Barbados for a significant amount to time. Further, according to Hilary M. Beckles author of “The Slave-Driver’s War: Bussa and the 1816 Barbados Slave Rebellion”, Bussa commanded respect and had a following of close to four-hundred men and women, ready to face the planter class head-on.
Among the enslaved of Barbados there were a number of issues that contributed to the rise in animosity towards the planter class. Beyond the notion that institution of slavery was already problematic, there were issues with keeping the enslaved “employed”. That is to say, with Barbados already being a small island, there were not enough plantations (farming space) to keep the involuntary African migrants fed and occupied. This allowed space for dissention among the working class as well as opportunity to plan and organize an uprising. However, this too would prove to be problematic for the enslaved population. To elaborate, because of the topographical dynamics of Barbados, any insurrection that was to be would be hard fought and arduous for Africans. Insurrections, like Turner’s or the German Coast uprising had the advantage of the environment – swamps, wooded areas, forests – which would allow for a guerilla-esque engagement. Barbados does not have such guerilla-friendly environment.
Barbados itself has an interesting history regarding African uprisings. Meaning, up until Bussa’s rebellion in 1814 there were no large-scale rebellions on the island, only minor skirmishes and riots. There were a number of small uprisings and strikes which took place in the 17th and 18th centuries, however, none were particularly impactful. Beckles elaborates: “There had been aborted insurrectionary attempts in the earlier years, such as the small scale and localized affairs of 1649 and 1701, and the more general conspiracies of 1675 and 1692, but throughout most of the eighteenth century, a period now seen by many historians of West Indian slave resistance as characterized by endemic conflict in master-slave relations, the society seemed internally more stable and the slaves subdued.” This only meant that the pressure-cooker-situation that had been simmering up to that point was about to blow.
The planter class, not having experienced many large rebellions historically, felt that they had successfully kept their enslaved population in check. This was a point of pride for the planter class; their biggest worry was random runaways or small-scale strikes, but nothing that would threaten their power on the island. Beckles elaborates: “Evidence produced by prominent members of the white community suggests that the uprising was sudden and unexpected. Whites generally believed that their slaves, not having attempted any insurrections since the minor aborted Bridgetown affair in 1701, were more prone to running away, withholding their labour in protest, petitioning estate owners, attorneys and managers concerning conditions of work and leisure, than to armed insurrection.” The planters seemed to be almost haughty in their posture towards the working class, confident that there would not be an uprising, and if there was they (the planters) would be able to quell the unrest with relative ease.
From the perspective of the working class, the enslaved of Barbados believed themselves to be the owners of the island and its destiny, despite being under the yoke of the British empire. As well, because of the planters’ inability to accurately gauge the sentiment among their enslaved, there was a high level of dissention that had been brewing in the slave quarters for years. Much of this dissention was based on the overall feeling among the enslaved, that emancipation was being held from them by the imperial colonizers. There were rumors that widely circulated the slave quarters that freedom had already been granted by the crown in England, but the enslavers of Barbados were withholding this information in order to satisfy their greed. The power of these rumors as well as the general yearning for freedom, set in motion the chain of events that would result in the drafting of the emancipation proclamation for the Caribbean.
During the uprising, Bussa and many of his constituents (army) were killed and the rebellion was quelled with relative ease, however, the legacy of Bussa and his efforts continue to live on. Among the Africans who still occupy the island, Bussa is a name that brings strength and his legacy continues to inspire the push for freedom on the island. The government of Barbados has also recognized the importance of Bussa’s legacy and have erected a statue in his honor in the parish of St. Michael. In addition, Bussa was given a place of prominence in the Hall of Heroes in the Barbadian Parliament. However, despite the legacy of Bussa, Barbados remains, like many nations that began under the yoke of enslavement, a place of poverty and struggle.
The religion of folk heroes of not a widely studied phenomenon among the African diaspora, nevertheless it is a critical issues that deserves in depth analysis. In the US there are folk heroes with continue to resonate, Martin Luther King, Malcolm X and Marcus Mosiah Garvey, just to name a few. Haiti has their heroes of the Rebellion, Jamaica has Haile Salassie and Bob Marley and Barbados has Bussa. In each case ordinary human beings with extraordinary stories are placed on pedestals as examples of strong moral conduct, ideological fortitude and uncompromising ethics. As such, these ancestors become deities, whose examples continue to guide those of us still struggle against white supremacy.
 Emily Allen Williams. The Critical Response to Kamau Brathwaite. (Praeger Publishers, 2004), 235. K. Watson, The Civilized Island, Barbados: A Social History, 1750-1816 (Barbados: Caribbean Graphics, 1979), 125-135. R. Schomburg, The History of Barbados (London, 1971), 393-400. M. Craton, 'The Passion to Exist: Slave Rebellion in the British West Indies, 1650-1832' Journal of Caribbean History vol. 13. (1980), 1.
 Hilary M. Beckles " The Slave-Driver’s War: Bussa and the 1816 Barbados Slave Rebellion." Boletin de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 39 (1985), 90. The record suggests that Bussa was likely African-born and his name may have actually been Bussoe.
 Ibid., 90. Beckles argues that he was likely a driver.
 Ibid., 90.
 Ibid., 90. It was suggested that he may have had military experience as a young man in Igboland.
 Ibid., 90-91.
 Hilary M. Beckles " The Slave-Driver’s War: Bussa and the 1816 Barbados Slave Rebellion." Boletin de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 39 (1985), 86. ““Barbados was the very worst field for such an experiment, since in no British colony was success in an attempt to obtain even a short lived freedom by insurrection so hopeless… there are no mountains, no fastnesses, no forest. European foot, and even horse, can traverse it in all directions.”
 Throughout history one of the most potent threats to a large standing army is small groups of guerilla fighters. However, for those small groups to be successful they must take advantage of the environment – trees, bushes, rivers, swamps, hills and so forth. Therefore, any insurrectionists would not be able to rely on the environment, thus nullifying a critical ally for any oppressed people.
 Hilary M. Beckles " The Slave-Driver’s War: Bussa and the 1816 Barbados Slave Rebellion." Boletin de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 39 (1985), 85.
 Ibid., 85.
 Ibid., 89.
 Ibid., 86.
There were many revolts in the antebellum South. The scale of these revolts was usually measured in the number of revolting Africans and whites killed. Uprisings like Turner’s in Virginia took a number of white lives regardless of the age or gender of the victims; and while Turner’s revolt is one of the more deadly exchanges between the enslaved and the enslavers of America, it was not the largest. The honor for the largest African uprising on American soil in the antebellum South belongs to the German Coast uprising of New Orleans, Louisiana. The immense scale of this uprising demonstrates the need for investigation into the how and why. Specifically: how the enslaved organized and communicated with one another and why the rebellion was sparked in the first place.
To elaborate, sentiment for an uprising had been building steam for a number of years, in part because of the Haitian Revolution. By this I mean, the reports of the Haitian revolution, both formal (printed news) and informal (word-of-mouth), contributed to a rise of the spirit of revolution and freedom that stirred within the hearts of German Coast's African population. As well, the population influx of Haitian refugees as a consequence of the Haitian Revolution put the European population of Louisiana on high alert.
Leading up to the uprising, during the late 18th century in what was to become Orleans Parish, there were a number of skirmishes and uprisings that paved the way for the German Coast revolt. For instance, in the Spanish controlled area of New Orleans, an enslaved African named Jean Saint Malo, escaped his captors and established a small but viable maroon community in the swamps. Over time, St. Malo and his community became a nuisance for the Spanish government, so much so that they sent in the local militia to capture the insurgents and dismantle the establishment. The efforts of St. Malo and the disruptions he caused the Spanish government made him a folk-hero amongst the enslaved of New Orleans. Nevertheless, because of his ability to disrupt the business dealings of the Spanish crown he was executed June 19th, 1784 as a warning to future insurrectionists. However, a decade later, again in the Spanish controlled region of Southern Louisiana, near a place called Pointe Coupee, there was another large scale uprising discovered by Spanish authorities. This planned revolt was to take place over during the Easter holiday of 1794, but, before this insurrection ever got off the ground it was quelled by Spanish authorities. As a result, 23 were killed for their part in this planned insurrection with an additional 31 beaten and tortured.
The Haitian Revolution itself became a beacon for hope in the fight against enslavement for Louisiana’s enslaved Africans. That is to say, the efforts of Louisiana’s African population were influenced by victory of the Haitian rebels just a few hundred kilometers to the South. But, there was more that just influence that came with the Haitian Revolution. After the fires of Haiti settled many of the formerly enslaved Africans of Haiti migrated to the US to the Louisiana territory bringing with them the same revolutionary flame that defeated the French and Spanish empires. This caused the Black population of the Louisiana territory to nearly triple in a very short amount to time, infusing the population with free migrant Haitian-Africans who did not come to the bayous in chains but as victors of their own war.
So, Louisiana seemed to be primed for a major uprising given its history and connection to Haiti and its rebels. Planning for the uprising is said to have taken place only a few days before the uprising started. The revolt was scheduled to take place during the period in which the harvest season had ended and planting season had not yet begun, the enslaved Africans of the region would therefore have had a bit more freedom and opportunity to organize the uprising. To elaborate, on the fourth of January, two enslaved Africans, Kwamena (a variation of the Ghanaian-day name Kwame - born on Saturday) and a mulatto name Henry, met and discussed plans for an uprising with a number of others. There was a third name mentioned in reference to German Coast, Charles Deslondes, a refugee of Haiti. However, it is not clear if Deslondes was present at the initial planning with Kwamena and Henry, nevertheless, he was named by Manuel Andry as one of the main conspirators in this revolt and therefore a principal figure in Southern Louisiana history.
The revolt began on January 8th at the Andry Plantation with the immediate bloodletting of Manual Andry and his son. After leaving the Andry Plantation (and a still living Manual Andry), the insurrectionists went from plantation-to-plantation killing Europeans and recruiting Africans at every stop. Participants of this revolt seemed to be fairly organized. They grew in number and weaponry with each plantation they encountered and organized themselves into a rank-and-file army that marched confidently to a drummer’s beat with flags hoisted proudly. By the end of the first day of this insurrection, the ad-hoc army had traversed 15-20 miles, destroyed a number of the largest and most notable plantations in Southern Louisiana and had gathered upwards of about 500 enslaved Africans. However, despite the day of triumph, across the Mississippi River the state militia was preparing to meet the African army head-on, led by Manuel Andry.
The tide began to turn on the morning of January 10th, when the Andry’s organized militia began their march towards the German Coast rebels. Later that morning the militia met the rebels head-on and engaged them aggressively. The skirmish did not last long, many of the rebels were killed and the rest absconded in to the Louisiana swamps. Over the next few weeks, many Africans were questioned, tortured and coerced into fingering accomplices and other potential rebels resulting in a slew of executions and other varying forms of punishment. In total, around one hundred Africans were killed in the fallout from the German Coast uprising.
Though it is important to fight against oppression and injustice, one is forced to ask, if the fallout and lives lost during the trials and interrogations make it all worth it. That is to simply ask, if the fight against oppression is ultimately worth it? Worth the lives lost? Worth the violent fallout? Worth the restrictions and executions? Being a person who has not risked his life for freedom, it is difficult to answer. Nevertheless, as long as people are oppressed there will be those who fight back. It is not necessarily a question of right or wrong, but perhaps a biological imperative to survive. African people simply want to live, to be, without having to justify their being-ness. This perhaps is the essence of freedom, a state of being without a need to justify that being-ness to another human being.
 Daniel Rasmussen. American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt. New York, 2011), 88-90.
 Ibid., 88-90. Mary Ann Sternberg, Along the River Road: Past and Present on Louisiana’s Historic Byways. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001). Nathan A. Buman, “To Kill Whites: The 1811 Louisiana Slave Insurrection” (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).
 Ibid., 88-90.
 The bodies of the 23 Africans executed for their part in this insurrection were dismember and put on display around Louisiana as an ominous warning to future would-be insurrectionists.
 Daniel Rasmussen. American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt. New York, 2011), 108-109.
 Thomas Marshall Thompson, "National Newspaper and Legislative Reactions to Louisiana's Deslondes Slave Revolt of 1811", The Louisiana Purchase Bicentennial Series in Louisiana History, Vol 3: The Louisiana Purchase and its Aftermath, 1800-1830. (Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana, 1998), 311. Rodriguez, Junius P. “Rebellion on the River Road: The Ideology and Influence of Louisiana’s German Coast Slave Insurrection of 1811.” In John R. McKivigan and Stanley Harold. Antislavery Violence: Sectional, Racial and Cultural Conflict in Antebellum America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999).
 Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made. (New York: Vintage Books, 1976), 592.
 Ibid., 592.
 Daniel Rasmussen. American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt. New York, 2011), 109.
As discussed, the road towards freedom for Africans in America has been long and arduous. Success has been marginal. Many of our best and brightest have had their light extinguished much too early. Some died in the heat of battle, some cut down by an assassin’s bullet, some captured, tortured and locked away and some took their own lives as an ultimate act of sacrifice and statement of protest. Suicide is often a difficult and sometimes taboo subject to deal with. However, certain African American artists have stepped up in dynamics ways.
Literary artists, for example, have worked to deliver the grimy details of what it means to be African in America and how that affects a diverse array of people. Some have given special attention to suicide because of the conditions African in American have lived under. In Toni Morrison’s stories, for instance, thoughts of suicide are expressed deeply and in thick and complex ways. By extension, and once again in celebration of all forms or protest taken to achieve freedom, this essay will review suicide as an act of resistance against oppression with discussion of Igbo Landing.
For some, the notion of suicide is unthinkable. Even in the face of suffering, many times it is seen as necessary to endure suffering. However, the Igbo people (primarily originating from present-day Nigeria) in particular are known for their open mindset towards suicide. According to particular narratives of enslaved Africans, many Igbos embraced suicide as a way out of suffering and “wished to die on the idea that they should then get back to their own country.” This notion was put to the test sometime in the spring of 1803. To explain, in 1803 an ironically named slaver ship, the Wanderer, set sail with a full compliment of Igbo captives bound for the Americas. The ship arrived and disembarked in Savannah, Georgia where the cargo of shackled humans were sold to a St. Simons Island Plantation owner. Whilst en route to the Georgian Island the captives liberated themselves by taking control of the ship and killing their captors. Shortly after seizing control of the vessel, the self-liberated Africans ran the ship ashore in Dunbar Creek. Then, in seemingly ritualistic fashion, the former captives disembarked from the ship and walked together into the creek to drown themselves.
To provide more clarity for this issue, the article “Slave Suicide, Abolition and the Problem of Resistance” by Richard Bell lends some insight. The author asks: “Was a slave’s suicide an act of principled resistance to tyranny that challenged the hypocrisy of the revolutionary settlement? Or was it a measure of abject victimhood that begged for humanitarian intervention?” Bell poses this either/or dialectic to the problem of suicide among enslaved Africans; however, perhaps in this case both perspectives posed by Bell are equally relevant. That is to say, for an enslaved person, desperation is the modus operandi: it is the feeling that cradles the oppressed in their sleep and the sentiment that greets them in the morning. Living with that feeling makes suicide for the oppressed both an act of defiance and empowerment.
To continue, suicide is a powerful conclusion for a soul twisted by hate, desperation, hopelessness and loneliness. It is not the easy way out nor a coward’s last cry for help; is it however, an act of a person taking their own life – their destiny – into their own hands. Simply put, it is an act of power. An enslaved person has no power. They cannot eat, sleep, learn or love without the permission of their enslaver. But, when that enslaved person (or any tortured soul) decides to end their life, they strip their oppressor of any power they had over them. The enslaver can no longer use their slave’s body frivolously, they can no longer beat it, force it to do work or rape it. As well, any monetary value that the slave’s body had as a worker or a commodity is now gone, and that person whom used to be enslaved to now free.
Terry Synder argues “Self-destruction in the context of North American slavery has been overlooked in part, because of the problematic nature of all evidence for suicide. We simply cannot know how many enslaved persons - or even free people – chose suicide in early modern America. Because no systematic public accounting of deaths was undertaken when slaves were domestically dispersed, traded, and resold on the North American mainland, suicide figures for disembarkation are difficult to ascertain.” The difficulties in studying this history only highlight the importance of the work. That is to say, more work needs to be done within this field of study as part of an effort to provide a deeper understanding of the mind and spirit of the enslaved.
In sum, suicide can be an odd phenomenon to study because of the personal nature of the act. As well, cultural nuances can make the study of suicide difficult because of how particular people understand the act. For some it is taboo; and yet for others there is empowerment in the process and act of suicide. However, what is the same from culture-to-culture, is that suicide is a deeply human act. Further, it is a human act in which the actor is no more and cannot be questioned or queried about after the deed is done; thus, the difficulties. Nevertheless, with the emptiness that is left behind when one (or a group) commits themselves to the act of self-destruction, those of us still amongst the living can commit ourselves to understanding the human(s) who committed that act and their reasons. Such a commitment will inevitably help us as a species have a deeper understanding of ourselves.
 Terri L. Snyder. "Suicide, Slavery, and Memory in North America." The Journal of American History 97, no. 1 (2010): 39-62. For example, here are narratives of mothers throwing themselves over the side of slave ships whilst clutching their young, just to keep their babies from experiencing the hell that awaited them. As well, authors such as Toni Morrison have dealt with this subject intimately.
 Here are some other instances of suicide among the enslaved in African American Literature: Paule Marshall's Brown Girl, Brownstones, James Baldwin's Another Country, Suzan-Lori Parks's The Death of the Last Black Man in the Whole Entire World, Dawn Turner Trice's Only Twice I've Wished for Heaven, Shay Youngblood's Shakin' the Mess Outta Misery
 Katy Ryan. "Revolutionary Suicide in Toni Morrison's Fiction." African American Review 34, no. 3 (2000): 389-412. The author argues: “In Beloved (1988), a woman jumps overboard during the Middle Passage; in Jazz (1992), Violet's mother, Rose Dear, climbs into a well, drowning herself in 1892; in Sula (1973), the shell-shocked veteran Shadrack institutes National Suicide Day on 3 January 1920; on the opening page of Song of Solomon (1977), Robert Smith leaps from the top of Mercy Hospital on 18 February 1931; in The Bluest Eye (1970), Pecola Breedlove wills self-disappearance through a longing to possess the eyes of another face. Toni Morrison.” To add to Ryan’s discussion of Beloved: in this story, the mother of Beloved, Sethe, killed the child very soon after she was born. Though, this is technically murder, it can be argued the essence of a suicide was presented well by Morrison. That is to say, Sethe sacrificed a large part of herself, Beloved, so that her child would not have to experience the horrors of enslavement.
 Malcolm Cowley and Daniel Mannix. The Middle Passage. Atlantic Slave Trade, Ed. David Northrup. (Lexington: Heath, 1994), 99-112.
 BlackPast.org – Remembered and Reclaimed. Igbo Landing Mass Suicide (1803). http://www.blackpast.org/aah/igbo-landing-mass-suicide-1803. Accessed July 2018. Igbos were known to be fiercely independent people who were extremely resistant to the practice of chattel slavery in the Americas.
 BlackPast.org – Remembered and Reclaimed. Igbo Landing Mass Suicide (1803). http://www.blackpast.org/aah/igbo-landing-mass-suicide-1803. Accessed July 2018. This mass-suicide had a number of witnesses who provided testimony. After this incident, during the ensuing investigation, only 13 Igbo bodies were recovered. It is believed that the other bodies may have washed out to sea.
 Richard Bell. "Slave suicide, abolition and the problem of resistance." Slavery & Abolition 33, no. 4 (2012): 525-549.
 Terri L. Snyder. "Suicide, Slavery, and Memory in North America." The Journal of American History 97, no. 1 (2010): 40.
 “Suicide Among Slaves: A Very Last Resort”. National Humanities Center Research Toolbox – The Making of African American Identity: Vol. 1, 1500-1865. http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/maai/emancipation/text2/suicide.pdf. Accessed July 2018. Discussion of suicide from these narratives are mainly from the early 20th century, however they highlight some of the sentiment behind suffering and slavery.
In African American history many times it is simply the effort, or better yet, the will to fight against a formidable enemy and insurmountable odds that defines bravery. Our leaders are rarely, if ever, successful when they choose to press the fight against white supremacy. Nevertheless, that has not stopped particular men and women from fighting for their own humanity and the humanity of those closest to them. The name Gabriel Prosser can be added the list of unsuccessful heroes who fought and died for the cause of African liberation. However, for rebellions such as Prosser’s, and many others throughout human history, the point is the rebellion itself. Such an act, regardless of the measure of success, rings throughout history as an effort to establish a sense of autonomy. By extension the review and celebration of such an act ensures that the spirit of those actions taken were not in vain.
Prosser’s life began on a tobacco plantation in Virginia. He and his brothers (Solomon and Martin) were raised to be blacksmiths and grew to be strong in stature. They were enslaved to a man named Thomas Prosser, a notable Brookfield tobacco planter who had a certain amount of clout in Henrico County. As Blacksmiths, Gabriel his family were relatively well taken care of by Thomas. Moreover, Gabriel had the added benefit of being taught how to read and write (it is not clear if he learned this skill in secret or with the permission of Thomas Prosser). As Gabriel grew he gained a certain level of respect in Henrico County from both bonds person and planters alike in large part because he was hired out as a skilled blacksmith, which allowed him visibility and a certain amount of mobility in Henrico county and the Richmond community.
Additionally, during this time period there was a zeitgeist of independence and freedom that dominated the region. Much of this sentiment came directly from the Methodist church. To explain, though the church had little respect for African people and their culture, traditions and/or religion, what the Methodist church did respect was the need for human freedom. For the Methodists, human bondage was an egregious sin that led to greed and cruelty against one’s fellow man. This, combined with the Quakers growing political power in the region, worked to convince the planters of Henrico County that it was not only spiritually prudent to abolish slavery but also economically so. This made the region ripe for change.
In the weeks and months leading up to the attempted insurrection there was dispute with the enslaver of Gabriel, Thomas Prosser, and a neighboring landowner named Absalom Johnson. Apparently, Gabriel and his brother Solomon were in a physical altercation with Johnson, which left him injured. As a result, he filed charges against Gabriel’s enslaver because he was responsible for any action taken by his property. In this case, Solomon was tried and acquitted for his part in the altercation. For Gabriel on the other hand, his accuser moved to have Gabriel tried for maiming which carried with it the possibility of him being executed for his crime. However, there is a very interesting quality with regard to the Prosser case: because of his position as a slave preacher, when he was put on trial for the maiming of Absalom Johnson Prosser claimed “benefit of clergy”. “Benefit of clergy” is a significant piece of legislation developed in 12th century England, which put the defendant outside of the bound of secular court. Therefore, if a member of the clergy is charged with a crime, instead of being tried in a civil or criminal court, the individual claiming “benefit of clergy” is to be tried in an ecclesiastical court under canon law. This law essentially boils down to a member of the clergy accepting divine authority over state authority. And in this particular case, the “benefit of clergy" law saved Gabriel’s life, at least for a time.
Prosser’s rebellion was planned for August 30, 1800. Leading up to the 30th Gabriel and his brothers recruited more than 30 (enslaved) people and even had the sympathy of a number of poor whites in the area. However, the plans for rebellion were postponed due to torrential rain. This delay was all the land-owners of the region needed; they got wind of Prosser’s plans and were therefore able to go on the offensive. Knowing their plans were foiled, Prosser and his brothers went on the run and remained at-large for a number of days until there were finally captured and executed for their crimes.
It is doubtful that Prosser would have able to plea for his life a second time under the “benefit of clergy” clause, despite the fact that no body was killed in this thwarted rebellion. Regardless, what is critically important here is that Prosser provided future generations with the courage to fight against a powerful enemy. From Gabriel Prosser to Sanda Bland, the list is long and the names are many of our heroes that have fell to violence for only speaking their truth in search of freedom. Furthermore, the unfortunate and uncomfortable truth of our reality as African people is that a hero’s life is often a short one and one day one of us may be called on to set that example once again.
 Bert M. Mutersbaugh. "The Background of Gabriel's Insurrection." The Journal of Negro History 68, no. 2 (1983): 209-11.
 Joyce Tang. "Enslaved African Rebellions in Virginia." Journal of Black Studies 27, no. 5 (1997): 598-614. Tang argues that Virginia in particular was a hotbed for rebellion because of nine legal features that were not on the book in any other state. Tang states: “First, enslaved Africans were prohibited to travel to any place without their "'master's" permission. Second, they were forbidden from lifting their hands against any White Christians. Third, Whites were guaranteed the absolute right to discipline their "property"-enslaved Africans. Fourth, enslaved and free Africans were not allowed to carry any arms. Fifth, association with others, Whites and non-Whites, was unlawful. Sixth, all Africans, regardless of their status, were not allowed to learn how to read and write. Seventh, enslaved Africans could not practice their own religion. Eighth, once they were freed, Africans had to leave the colony within a specific period of time. And ninth, enslaved Africans were subject to forced relocation to Liberia after emancipation.” All states had some types of law on the books to control their African population. However, Virginia may have had these points of legislation on the books in part because they are a commonwealth.
 Douglas R. Egerton (1993). Gabriel's Rebellion: The Virginia Conspiracies of 1800 and 1802. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), 21–22.
 Reading and writing was seen as a serious problem for the enslavers of Virginia, particularly after this Rebellion. So much so, that in the months following Prosser’s action enslavers passed more stringent restrictions on free Blacks and the tighten up the laws on the literacy of Africans.
 Douglas R. Egerton (1993). Gabriel's Rebellion: The Virginia Conspiracies of 1800 and 1802. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), 8-9.
 Ibid., 11-12. Arguments were made in the Virginia legislature that this course of action was economically and politically necessary in order to survive the social turmoil caused by the approaching revolution.
 Joyce Tang. "Enslaved African Rebellions in Virginia." Journal of Black Studies 27, no. 5 (1997): 599-600. “Such factors as (a) changes in the plantation economy, (b) a large concentration of enslaved Africans in the colony, and (c) the prevalence of antislavery and revolutionary philosophies had fostered the development of revolts.”
 Bert M. Mutersbaugh. "The Background of Gabriel's Insurrection." The Journal of Negro History 68, no. 2 (1983): 209.
 J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History (4th ed. 2002) pp. 513–15.
 Jeffrey K. Sawyer, "Benefit of Clergy in Maryland and Virginia", American Journal of Legal History 34, no. 1 (January 1990): 49–68.
 Mullaney v. Wilbur, 421 U.S. 684, 692-93, 44 L.Ed.2d 508, 515-16, 95 S.Ct. 1881, 1886; (1975).
 Douglas R. Egerton (1993). Gabriel's Rebellion: The Virginia Conspiracies of 1800 and 1802. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), 10-11.
 C. Ruth Ebrahim. “Virginia State NAACP Conference requests pardon of Gabriel”. The Caroline Register, Oct 2006. Accessed June 2018. “[T]he execution of the patriot and freedom fighter, Gabriel, whose death stands as a symbol for the determination and struggle of slaves to obtain freedom, justice and equality as promised by the fundamental principles of democratic governments of the Commonwealth of Virginia and the United States of America.”
Some might take it as ironic that some of the most religious individuals in African American history are also the most rebellious. However, this actually seems quite appropriate. Meaning, through the development and evolution of religious belief amongst enslaved Africans, for survival sake many adopted and molded the tools most useful to them in order to secure freedom. Further, being that religious belief (particularly the Christian religion) was the tool most accessible to the enslaved, it became that most potent of weapons.
To elaborate, before Nat Turner used the power of religious prophecy to tear through Southampton, Virginia Denmark Vesey worked within the African Methodist Episcopal Church of South Carolina to fight against the system of slavery. Vesey’s story started in the Caribbean. Specifically, the island of St. Thomas where he was born under the birth name Telemaque. The name “Denmark” is likely a moniker given to him as a nickname because his birth Island was at the time the ward of Denmark. However, his last name “Vesey” was an adopted name of his owner Captain Joseph Vesey of Bermuda who acquired Telemaque at a fairly young age.
The youth remained bound to Captain Vesey until 1799 when he was able to purchase his own freedom. As a free man, Denmark Vesey worked as an independent carpenter and eventually earned enough resources and reputation to start his own carpentry business. Vesey eventually attempted to settle down and raise a family, but family can be a complicated notion for both enslaved and freed Africans in colonial America. To explain, Vesey courted and married a woman simply known as Beck. However, Beck was still enslaved and therefore her freedom was extremely limited as compared to her husband. Eventually the couple became pregnant, which meant that their child would be the property of Beck’s enslaver. This was of course due to the laws of the time, which states: “WHEREAS some doubts have arrisen whether children got by any Englishman upon a Negro woman should be slave or free, Be it therefore enacted and declared by this present grand assembly, that all children borne in this country shalbe held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother, And that if any christian shall commit fornication with a Negro man or woman, he or she se offending shall pay double the fines imposed by the former act.“ While the above quoted legislation is centered on children between an English man and an African bondswoman, free African men had absolutely no rights to their enslaved offspring.
At one point Vesey attempted to legally purchase his wife in order to secure her freedom and the freedom of their children. However, by law Beck and all of her offspring were the property of the slaver and he had no intention of liberating her or her offspring. It is not clear, but this may have been the reason why Vesey sought retribution from the American slave system. That is to say, the institution of slavery was horrific by all accounts but perhaps for Vesey, it was not the institution itself that caused him to organize a revolt, but very personal desire to free his family. Nevertheless, apart from speculation his exact inspiration is not clear.
To elaborate further, according to the historical record Vesey’s revolt started because of a number of circumstances. First, Vesey was definitely rattled by his inability to free his wife and child from their enslaver. However, apart from his family, Vesey also had a number of friends and close associates who were enslaved as well as members of his congregation. Vesey was a well-known carpenter as well as an active member of the Charleston community and a leader of the AME Church of the city therefore he had a deep investment in the community. As such, he had a deep understanding of the conditions his people lived under and their desires for freedom.
Second, as a literate person Vesey was also exposed to the congressional conversations and debates concerning the free/slave state status of Missouri. So, as was the case with Nat Turner, a person’s ability to read, and therefore their capacity to be informed about the popular political and social debates of the time, inspires a strong sense possibility. This point should not be taken lightly – meaning, there is a reason why reading was forbidden for the enslaved - the more educated a person or population is, the more difficult they are to control.
Lastly, like Turner, another form of inspiration for Vesey was his particular read of the Bible. Vesey employed imagery of the Bible - the liberation of the Hebrews from Egypt, David’s defiance and destruction of Goliah and Joshua’s March around Jericho - as inspiration for a proactive and aggressive approach to freedom in antebellum America. So, again, there is a clear ambivalence with the manner in which Biblical symbolism is interpreted and used depending on one’s place in the society. Appropriately, because Africans were on (or extremely close to) the lowest wrung, it is fitting that stories of the oppressed rising up against their masters with divine aid are critically important stories.
The revolt was planned for Bastille Day, July 14, 1822. This date is significant because of its association to the French Revolution. As well, Vesey drew inspiration from this day because of its association to the liberation of Africans of Saint-Domingue. The fact that Africans in Virginia drew inspiration from Africans in the Caribbean demonstrates a level of Pan-African collective consciousness that is critically important to the study of this era. That is to say, despite the notion that African people worked separately towards freedom while suffering at the hands of a common enemy, is not supported by the historical narrative. Instead, throughout this history of the New World there are clear examples of Africans connecting their struggles and working towards collective freedom.
On that faithful day in July, the plan was to seize parts of Charleston, particularly close to the harbor, so the rebels could steal away in a vessel for Haiti where they could cement their freedom. However, none of this was ever fully realized. Before the day of the planned conspiracy, city officials and land-owners caught wind of the uprising due to wide spread rumors and internal leaks. As a result there was dozens of arrests and an investigation ensued. Many of those arrested where beaten, tortured and some were executed. After the dust had settled from the arrests and trials, a total of 67 people had been convicted and 35 executed including Vesey.
History has looked back upon Vesey and the Charleston plot in interesting and conflicting ways. On one hand, it is considered a blow to the slave system of the time and a great effort for an oppressed people seeking freedom through violent action and self-determination. On the other hand, the plot itself may never have been more than overheard rumors and the work of over active imaginations. It is difficult to know what is true because no revolt ever took place and the would-be conspirators were killed without an opportunity to have their side of the story added to the historical record. Nevertheless, the story of Vesey has inspired many to seek a deeper understanding of what freedom means, both in the individual and collective context.
 Douglass Egerton. He Shall Go Out Free: The Lives of Denmark Vesey, 2nd ed. (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1–4), 2004. Egerton suggests he may have been of Akan origin.
 Ibid. According to the historical record, Denmark won a local lottery of over 1,500 dollars, which helped him secure his freedom.
 Library of Congress. “Slavery and Indentured Servants.” https://memory.loc.gov/ammem/awhhtml/awlaw3/slavery.html. Virginia Law: Act XII, Laws of Virginia, December 1662 (Hening, Statutes at Large, 2: 170). The Latin expression for this law partus sequitur ventrum, it stated: “that the social status of a child followed that of his or her mother. Thus, any child born to an enslaved woman was born into slavery, regardless of the ancestry or citizenship of the father.”
 Lerone Bennett. Before the Mayflower: A history of black America. (New York: Penguin Books, 1993).
 George Dangerfield. The Awakening of American Nationalism: 1815-1828. (New York: Harper & Row, 1965). During this historical period the debate centered around allowing Missouri to enter the Union as a slave state while Maine entered as a free state.
 Deborah G. White. Freedom on My Mind, Volume 1: A History of African Americans, with Documents. (Bedford/St. Martin's, 2016), 178.
 Richard C. Wade. “The Vesey Plot: A Reconsideration. The Journal of Southern History Vol. 30, No. 2 May 1964.
 James O’Neil Spady. “Power and Confession: On the Credibility of the Earliest Reports of the Denmark Vesey Slave Conspiracy.” (William and Mary Quarterly, 38 (2), 287-304.
 Richard C. Wade. “The Vesey Plot: A Reconsideration. The Journal of Southern History Vol. 30, No. 2 May 1964.
Marvel’s Black Panther has almost single-handedly ignited a movement of Pan-African revivalism and Afro-futurism unlike the world has ever seen. Not only will the movie gross well over one-billion dollars by the time of this article graces the net, but among the 2 billion Africans across the planet, it has emboldened the conversation (particularly among African Americans) of what it means to be African. Out of this has come the symbolic representation of Wakanda as a mythical Black Heaven, where Africans have been able to grow unmolested by European hands and can be themselves unapologetically. Appropriately, this movie and movement has sparked a number of critical concerns: what does Wakanda mean symbolically? And can this phenomenon be interpreted through a religious lens? In this brief investigation, this essay will employ elements of Kwanzaa as an analytical tool to dissecting the Black Panther cinematic phenomenon.
To begin, the Black Panther phenomenon has commanded the interest of Black people across the world-wide-web through creative cos-play (costume play) and public reenactments of Wakandan ceremonies and scenes from the movie. With this phenomenon has come the notion that Wakanda, like Zamunda, is a type of Heaven for people of African descent. But the question indirectly posed by many is: who gets to enter the kingdom of Wakanda? In other words, who is Black enough, down enough, and cultural astute enough to be welcomed to Wakanda? This query was given life by R. Kelly, who boldly claimed his first-class seat on the soul plane to Wakanda only to be quickly shot down by #BlackTwitter with comments such as: “NO THANK YOU. WE JUST CLOSED THE BORDERS” and “Wakandan ICE is waiting for him at the doh.” The fundamental idea behind the pointed sarcasm is simply – everybody who believes in heaven ain’t going – Heaven must be earned and those who abuse Black girls and commit other nefarious acts against African people, will not be allowed into Wakanda.
What this suggests is that there is perhaps a code ethics being developed from the mythology of Wakanda that has began to take shape and gain substance in the minds of the audience. It is difficult to say with specificity and clarity what exactly those ethics would be, but based on the responses of fans and the clear messages put across in the movie, we can start to give shape to what those ethics may be. For example, cos-play was huge for Black Panther, however, for this movie, it was not simply dress-as-your-favorite-character cos-play; many Black people came out in their African best: kufis, dashikis, bubus, and all manner of beautiful headdresses. What this suggests is that audiences recognize their connection to the cultural motifs presented in the film.
Religiously speaking, the film presented the belief system of Wakandans, which is symbolically representative of ancient African religious traditions. To explain, throughout the movie the characters make many references of Bast – the Black Panther God of Wakanda. This deity is directly correlated to Kemetic God Baset, who is also represented as a Black cat or panther. Bast, in Kemetic mythos is a warrior goddess who was a protector of the Kemetic royalty. In Marvel’s Black Panther, Bast’s qualities as a Goddess remain in-tact and expanded upon. What is critically important about Bast is that she is an African deity, not a colonial transplant like Jesus or Muhammad, and is therefore a source of internal strength for Wakanda and its people.
The philosophy of Kwanzaa - developed by Maulana Karenga - provide an understanding of African cultural elements that are useful for analysis products of creative expression. The purpose for using Kwanzaa as an analytical tool is that it, like Afro-futuristic phenomena, is an African American effort to connect with their African heritage through myth making. Therefore, using this as an analytical tool can be helpful when evaluating the merit African people cultural production. Black Panther’s director Ryan Coogler presents a number of cultural elements that can be discussed within this paradigm. For instance, the concept Kujichagulia suggests that Black people must look inward, both individually and collectively for strength and direction. Throughout the film there are a number of instances where Wakandans display a clear understanding of Kujichagulia, such as their understanding of religion, their focus on self-reliance as well as their strong opposition to colonization.
There are also clear manifestations of the concept Umoja (unity) that are presented in the film. To explain, throughout the movie, T’Challah is constantly being aided by his sister, mother and the Dora Milaje (the all female royal guard). Without these support systems the Black Panther is essentially a house cat. In addition, throughout the film and within the lore of the comic book, the Black Panther is constantly seeking the counsel of his ancestors, his Black Panther predecessors. These individuals are also part of T’Challah’s community that protect and guide him through the trials of life.
Given this very brief survey of Black Panther’s world there are several ethical qualities we can extract: One, there is a definite Afrocentric tone that resonates throughout the Kingdom of Wakanda. Due to world circumstances this notion can seem a bit insular, but it is a strength that resulted in the development of a technologically and culturally advanced society within the story. Second, there was sustained conversation regarding the respect for tradition (elders) and the honor of Black women (feminine). As well, his elders counseled him and the women of his life brought him back from the dead. Again, Black Panther’s support system is the only reason he survived his ordeal. That is to say, through the Ujima (collective work and responsibility) demonstrated by the royal family of T’Challah and the citizens of Wakanda, he survived to win the day. This is a critical point that resonates from interpersonal relationships to international alliances for Africans throughout the world.
To bring this full circle: Baltimore preacher, Jamal Bryant developed fliers and posted images of himself as T’Challah, more than likely as a way to boost attendance and to reach out to the youth. Black Twitter exploded on him after this image was posted online, so much so that his church has since taken this image down and erased all comments. Black Twitter’s reaction to Pastor Bryant was similar to that of R. Kelly, in that the preacher’s place in the community as a leader/icon was challenged. If you are known for disrespecting black women, being a arbiter of colonial religious beliefs or generally a “sell-out”, you will be stopped by Wakandan customs agents and asked to step out of line for a “random search”. The renaissance of the 2010s has ignited dynamic artistic and philosophical within the Africana world that will be studied as our history progresses. As it does, it is critical that we constantly examine phenomena in relation to where we are in the world and explore its merit in order to consciously shape our culture.
 I qualify the statement with the word “almost” because there has been a building movement with movies (Get Out), TV shows, (Black Lightning) and comic books (TaNahesi Coates run with Black Panther) that can be measure over the past decade or so.
 Credit must be given to the rise of White Supremacy in the US and throughout the world for helping to spark this movement. Much like the Harlem Renaissance received fuel for its fire from the rise of lynchings in the US.
 Jessica McKinney. “Twitter Denies R. Kelly Access to Wakanda After His Tweet About ‘Black Panter’. (Vibe Magazine, February 2018).
 Donald L. Horowitz. Ethnic groups in conflict, updated edition with a new preface. (Journal of American Ethnic History. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001, Summer 2001), 4. “The ability of a small group of adherents to invent new myths and traditions is one sign of the strength of nationalism.”
 Characters mention Bast many times in passing conversation “Bast help us” or “If Bast is willing” and so forth.
 Maulana Karenga, and T. Karenga. Kwanzaa: A celebration of family, community and culture. (Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press, 1998).
 The symbolism of the death-to-life scenes are loaded with religious significance. First, the Balboa tree is a very important spiritual symbol in Africa. Second, the burial ceremony seems very reminiscent of Kemetic burial rituals evidence by the crossing of the arms. Lastly, this rite is extremely communal, involving T’Challah’s extended family as well as ancestors.
 The fact that this film openly dealt with this issues in also a very important quality of the film. It is essentially an Afrocentric philosophical issue being discussed through the vehicle fictional comic book characters.
 Also, important is the aid of the Jabari tribe. While there was definitely some strife between them and the rest of Wakanda, when the King’s life was in their hands they honored him as a human and their King, despite the conflict between the two rulers.
In US history Nat Turner has been and remains one of the most enigmatic figures of its enslavement era. However, despite his well-publicized revolt, there is little known about the man. Meaning, in the Black community the memory of Nat Turner has been reduced to t-shirt images and African-centered Facebook memes. Nevertheless, stories of this man and his escapades terrified slaveholders and their families for decades and inspired would-be revolutionaries throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Since Nat Turner’s story has been told and retold repeatedly there is no need to rehash the entirety his crusade throughout the mid-Atlantic America. Instead it is more prudent to wrestle with the deeply dynamic philosophical dilemma presented via his righteous marauding. That is to ask: can the problem of violence, religion and freedom be balanced within the context of Turner’s story?
The familiar story of Nat Turner places him in Virginia in the early 1800s as a driver and “slaver preacher” who was used to keep other enslaved Africans docile and obedient. Seeing the inherent contradiction in that, Turner made a choice to fight against the system that oppressed him and his people, rather than serve it. This choice led to the slaughter of many white families, however, perhaps most importantly, his decision to fight rather than serve has cemented him within the African American pantheon of revolutionary deities.
Historically and philosophically speaking, religion, violence and freedom have not always mixed well for African Americans. Martin Luther King, Jr. was able to develop a philosophy, which centered on religion and freedom, but felt violence could not coexist within the triad. For him non-violent direct action offered an opportunity to strike at the moral consciousness of white America in order secure a sense of freedom. However, there are many problems with that philosophy. In fact, the success of this strategy was extremely dependent on the type of enemy faced and the historical time period in which the protest took place.
Nevertheless, during Turner’s campaign, he used “the Bible both to stake his spiritual authority to lead such a rebellion to claim temporal leadership over the revolt, both ideologically and operationally.” In a sense Turner and King represent both the Gods of the Bible through their actions. Turner brought the wrath of God and smote the Pharaohs of South Hampton, Virginia, while King presented the bounty of God’s forgiveness, healing, and love. Both leaders used the Biblical word of God to justify their actions as well they both claim divine inspiration for their actions. As well, both are well know for their understanding and interpretation of Biblical scripture.
To explain, King was dependent on the technology of the mid 20th century to aide in his crusade. That is to say, if there were no cameras nor national media to document the violent reactions of whites for other more well-meaning whites to witness, it is likely the movement would have fizzled out quickly with no progress made. As well, King’s movement was dependent on the violence itself. When King was encountered by an enemy who did not swiftly resort to violent aggression, as was the case in Albany, Georgia, he had a very hard time making his point. Therefore, King’s Christian approach would likely be useless in most other historical circumstances, especially during Turner’s era.
So the question that is of concern for Nat Turner, how do can his activities be reconciled given his Christian foundation. Was he justified in his efforts to find some semblance of freedom through the murder of his oppressors? More to the point, is there a place for violence within Christian theological philosophy that allows for the destruction of one’s oppressors without fear of divine retribution? To get at this question, the Bible itself must be taken in pieces. Meaning, the God of the Old Testament is jealous deity, who had no problem killing the enemies of his people to prove his point. However, the God of the New Testament, Jesus, was extremely forgiving and taught that love was the most important quality of humanity.
Moreover, it can be argued that beyond the Bible, both King and Turner were influenced heavily by the social and political zeitgeist of the historical periods in which they lived. For example, King was impacted by the philosophy and example of Gandhi, particularly with his non-violent strategy that he employed against the British. Turner on the other hand demonstrated an understanding of the ideas of freedom and independence from Thomas Jefferson. Anthony Santoro, author of the article "The Prophet in His Own Words: Nat Turner's Biblical Construction", argues that “Turner lived in Virginia and was in a sense an inheritor of the Jeffersonian rhetoric of all me being equal.” Since violence was used to achieve freedom Turner approach was definitely reflective of the historical period in which he lived. To be clear, it is difficult to connect the motivations of Turner to the philosophy espoused by Jefferson, however, it is know that Turner was literate and he had a certain freedom of movement as a traveling slave-preacher. As such, is very possible that he was exposed to some form of Jeffersonian rhetoric.
Turner was also deeply impacted by the Christian religion as was King. However, again we have a clear point of departure in terms of what Turner and King centered on to make their respective points. King boldly claimed that he was heavily influenced by Christ of the New Testament; Turner on the other hand seemed to focus on the religion of the vengeful Yahweh who made a way for His people with the blood of Israel’s enemies. Turner was also known for quoting or using imagery from the Old Testament. However, Anthony Santoro argues that Turner connected the Old and New Testaments. He states: “Turner’s weaving together of elements from both the Old and New testaments shows his understanding of his own role in the prophecy he bore.”
So, the query that is most concerning given in this context is: how can Christianity be reconciled as both the sword and shield in the African push for freedom in America? That is to ask, how can we balance Christianity as a tool that has been used for both violence and peace in the African American experience? The crux of this question centers on strategies for freedom in the 21st century. Because life for African Americans has gotten increasingly complex in the 21st century with the public return of White Supremacy during a period in history where African Americans are in key position of power in every facet of American culture. Essentially, this question is centered on survival strategies for the 21st century as the rights of minorities are being eroded with a degree of obviousness that has made people unsure about the future of the nation.
 Anthony Santoro. "The Prophet in His Own Words: Nat Turner's Biblical Construction." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 2 (2008): 116-117.
 Peter H. Wood. “Nat Turner: The Unknown Slave as Visionary Leader.” From Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century, edited by Leon Litwack and August Meier. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 21-42.
 Anthony Santoro. "The Prophet in His Own Words: Nat Turner's Biblical Construction." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 2 (2008): 114-49.
 Ibid., 120-121.
 During this campaign Police Chief Laurie Pritchett studied the strategies of Martin Luther King Jr. and was able to quell the movement and avoid national embarrassment.
 David L Lewis. King: A Critical Biography. (Urbana: University of Illinois, 2012), 34.
 Anthony Santoro. "The Prophet in His Own Words: Nat Turner's Biblical Construction." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 2 (2008): 121.
 Ibid., 121.
 Lerone Bennett, Jr. Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America. (Johnson Publishing Company Incorporated, 2003).
 Anthony Santoro. "The Prophet in His Own Words: Nat Turner's Biblical Construction." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 2 (2008): 117.
Though internal struggles between the Haitian leadership caused seemingly unnecessary strife amongst the rebels, the goal of the Revolution was independence, to which ĽOuverture remained most true. From a religious perspective, the success of the Haitian Revolution was credited to “white magic”. To elaborate, for Haitian Voodoo practitioners, there are two types of magic: white and black. Black magic is the stronger more forceful element of Haitian magic, but it is centered on greed, control, and other nefarious qualities. But white magic is the more calm and focused element of Haitian Voodoo, it works slower and the Loa who bring white magic are not centered on greed but community cooperation. This is to say, the Haitian Revolution, for all the misguided attempts to classify and describe it by Christian Evangelicals, was a movement centered on white magic.
One of the major issues with attempting to define Black religion in juxtaposition to what is termed black magic rests in the white supremacist ideology that what is black is by nature evil. This of course is a critical issue that was dealt with by the NOI to reorient the thinking of Black people in America. However, when dealing African Traditional Religion, particularly concerning mysticism, ancestor veneration, and the manipulation of nature, the term Black religion or black magic conjures images of midnight, fire lit hush harbors rife with the putrid smell of animal sacrifice. However, Black religion is a cultural conversation and within that conversation, black magic is much more that voodoo dolls and dead chickens; it is an attempt to manipulation energy for personal gain, it is the selfish desire to control other people or life itself, it is slavery, dishonest, and the quick solution. But most importantly it is the opposite of white or “cool” magic.
To elucidate further, like with most things on this plane of existence, there are multiple sides to any phenomenon, voodoo is no different. Within Ifá expression there is a positive expression, where growth and community cooperation are critically important; and a negative expression, where power is most important and it is gained through nefarious manipulation and bad intentions. Admittedly, this reads much like the beginners guide to understanding the “Force” from Star Wars, but at the fundamental level it is that simple: the light-side of voodoo (Ifá) connects humanity and flows through life on this planet and the dark-side is simply selfishness. At the most optimal level these energies work in tandem and balance out life as we know it.
To put this in context of the Haitian Revolution, the ceremony at Bois Caïman was a cry for help to the spirits of Ifá to liberate African people from their horrible existence. They appealed to the Loa for help and what came from that was an extremely bloody and hard fought conflict that resulted in their liberation (again, Haiti is the only free African nation in the Western Hemisphere). With the gift of hindsight, how can this be interpreted within the context of white and black Haitian magic?
This point can be examined through the means in which the people lived in Haiti. Going back to the first essay in this series, the Haitian Revolution was sparked by the need to more humane working conditions for those enslaved on the island. However, the French refused to accommodate their bondsman, maintaining a terroristic environment where humans were reduced to beasts of burden. Black magic, as it is known in Haitian Voodoo, is based on greed, control and selfish dealings, which perfectly describes French planters as well as all other slaveholders of this period in history. It is almost as if European enslavers were using Black magic to control and subjugate African people in the Western Hemisphere and later on the African continent during the colonial period through the vehicle of Christianity.
The other side to that cowrie shell is white magic, the cooler more deliberate and benevolent side to voodoo magic. To be clear, there is very little very little evidence of unbridled greed that came with the Haitian Revolution. The rebels fought only for their rights and their lives. The success of their rebellion did not lead to the further annexation of Dominican lands or the invasion of the port of New Orleans. Haitians were not and never have been colonists or enslavers and despite a rather rough two-hundred-plus-year history the country and its people seem to keep moving a long, ostensibly content with their little corner of the island. Meanwhile, their defeated foes, the French Empire, simply pulled their tents from Haiti and colonized another small brown corner of the planet using their own time-honored tradition: subdue native population with military, loot what is valuable and promise returns for what was taken in the after life on the condition that they serve them. A process repeated numerous times under the flag of Christianity.
These points bring this discussion back to the ideas put forth by Pat Roberson and other evangelicals who claim Haiti used “devil worship” to win their freedom. What exactly was evil about the efforts of the Haitians? Surely the pro-military, pro-gun, red-blooded white American evangelical is not suggesting that the Haitians had no right to defend themselves against the oppression of the French. Because to suggest that, means that all of the violence begat by the US over the last two centuries would also be a sign of evil. No, what Pat Roberson is suggesting is that the ceremony at Bois Caïman signifies a departure by Africans from the Christian God for whom they had lost faith. Further, what this suggests is that in terms of justice for African people the Christian God is impotent and unwilling to lend any divine aid.
However, there may be something even deeper to this discussion. To explain, Haitians appealed to the Loa to intervene on their behalf against a foe that was greedy, cruel, and vicious to African people. This notion places Christianity itself within the realm of black magic more than anything the Lao did on behalf of the Haitian people. Christians were the more powerful force and they used their religious beliefs to pacify and subdue the spirit of the Haitian people (and any other peoples they enslaved). When pacification did not work, Christian ministers and governors resorted to torture and murder to defeat the Haitians. It is therefore, more prudent to suggest that Christians themselves used a type of black magic in their efforts to subjugate and control African people.
This form of black magic came in a Christian package. It was delivered from white hands and carried the same symbols as other forms of Christian expression – Jesus, the Cross, sacrifice and the holy sacrament – but is centered on slavery and subjugation as a form of spiritual maintenance and worship. This is not the same Christianity practiced by Martin Luther King, a revolutionary religious weapon of the downtrodden; this Christianity is empowered through misery, fear and hate. This also is very different from the Christianity taught by the Christ figure of the New Testament but more closely resembles the Christianity practices during the Crusades and the Spanish Inquisition.
In summation, in the Haitian Voodoo Pantheon of Loa Dutty Boukman holds a place of honor. He is not a villain or a devil worshiper. He is one that stood up and fought insurmountable odds that lead the way towards the freedom of a people. In Haiti, he is essentially, a Saint: Baron Samedi (Zombi), whose life is honored throughout Haiti. In his place of honor it becomes clear that perspective – or better yet, worldview – provides the essential meaning of the Haitian Revolution. For Christians (and the whole Western world), Haiti and her people are poor, primitive, diseased, lost and demonic; but for the Haitian people they themselves are strong, free and have the agency to define their own destiny.
 Karen McCarthy Brown. "Putting the Egg Back into the Chicken." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 62, no. 4 (1994): 1182. This is from the Haitian perspective. Europeans felt it was because of devil worship.
 Ibid., 1182. Further, it is said that white magic is more centered around the energies (spirits) brought from Africa.
 Nation of Islam theology essentially turned white supremacy on its head and worked to demonstrate, through historically horrific acts, that White Christians were devilish, not black people.
 Robert Farris Thompson. Flash of the Spirit: African & Afro-American Art & Philosophy. (New York: Vintage Books, 1984), 12-16. The “cool” is a governing characteristic for Yoruba culture and religion. For the Yoruba “coolness” is best described a calm seriousness or serious calmness. Essentially, speaks to the character of a person as well as the character of the gods. To quote Thompson: “Coolness, then, is a part of character, and character objectifies proper custom. To the degree that we live generously and discreetly, exhibiting grace under pressure, our appearance and our acts gradually assume virtual royal power.”
 William Ronald Jones. Is God a white racist?: A preamble to black theology. Beacon Press, 1973.
The opening ceremonies of Bois Caïman set the tone for the manner in which Haitians would earn their freedom: by any means necessary. However, after the execution of Dutty Boukman there was a void of leadership that had to be filled. Four dynamic and complicated individuals - Jeannot Bullet, Jean François Papillion, Georges Biassou, and Toussaint Bréda – took command of the Haitian rebels. These individuals warred uncompromisingly against overwhelming forces (and sometimes with each other), using guerilla-warfare tactics, aggressive strategies and focused terrorism. Nevertheless, as it will be demonstrated, the costs of war are high, and alliances created from conflict are highly subject to compromise.
Early in the conflict, Spain involved itself in the Haitian Rebellion by actively backing, recruiting, and arming the leaders of the rebellion - Bullet, Papillion, and Biassou - after Bois Caïman. Information on these men is not comprehensive, but what is known provides an intriguing glimpse into the nature of conflict from the Haitians perspective. For instance, Jean François Papillion was African-born but was brought to the Island of Hispanola sometime in the last quarter of the 18th century. Being African-born with the taste of freedom in his mouth, he did not remain in chains long. He escaped incarceration and marooned himself in the hills and forests of Haiti until the whispers of war brought him out of hiding. Georges Biassou, on the other hand, was not African born like Papillion, he was born of Haiti in 1741 and therefore he had a clear and full understanding of the horrors of enslavement. After he received blessings from the Loa at Bois Caïman, he was given command by the Spanish to fight against the French Army.
The life of Jeannot Bullet (also spelled Bullit) is not as well known as some of his other compatriots, however what is known about him is quite intriguing. It is not clear what his place of birth was nor his exact age. It is also unclear what drew him towards the Revolution, outside of the obvious desire for freedom. However, what is known about him is his brutality during the Haitian Revolution. Author Wenda Parkinson states that Bullet was a “(s)mall, thin man with a forbidding manner and a veiled crafty face. He was utterly remorseless... even towards his own kind. ... He would stop at nothing to gain his own ends, he was daring, seizing quickly on chances, quick-witted and capable of total hypocrisy. He feared no one and nothing; unfortunately he found inspiration in cruelty, a sadist without the refinements that so-called civilization brings.”
Toussaint Bréda is perhaps the most dynamic and well-known of this cadre. The exact date of his birth is not clear, however, it is said he was close to fifty years old at the beginning of the rebellion. As a child he was educated by his god-father, Pierre Baptiste; as well, being born of Haiti, exposed him to a myriad of cultures and languages resulting in him being fluent is Spanish, French, and Creole. Also, it is possible he was exposed so some formal education through the Jesuits, and likely had knowledge of African herbal healing methods. Again, this mixing of African and European religious/spiritual practices was extremely common (both in Haiti and throughout the Caribbean) and it made Bréda an extremely dynamic individual.
After Bois Caïman, Jean François took the reigns of leadership as commander and chief of the army of Haitian rebels, leading the other generals - Bullet and Biassou - into battle. Bréda did not join the fight initially as the others did. He became involved a number of weeks after Bois Caïman and began not as a commander but as a field medic, helping Biassou’s troops. Under Biassou he quickly rose through the ranks and became a field commander responsible for procuring supplies and strategic planning. However, as the conflict progressed so did his ideas of what “freedom” meant. That is to say, before Bois Caïman he was mainly concerned with better working conditions but after being intricately involved in the rebellion and influenced by the French Revolution, worker’s rights was simply not enough. For Bréda, Haiti would have complete freedom or nothing.
To liberate themselves Haitians worked closely with the Spanish against the French using brutal guerilla tactics (Bullet was particularly ferocious, launching fierce and brutal raids against the French where none survived). As well, the French army was growing weary under the weight of decades of conflict on both sides of the Atlantic. Therefore, the French empire had to find a way to balance their losses in order to survive. So, rather than capitulate fully to the African, Spanish and British forces, they promised freedom to the enslaved, which lead to an alliance between the French government and Toussaint ĽOuverture (the change from Bréda was indicative of the alliance). Due to this shift in allegiance, problems arose amongst the Haitian leadership: ĽOuverture, upon the promise of emancipation, allied with the French, while Bissou and Papillion continued to remain in the service of the Spanish crown. Soon, Bissou and Papillion’s relationship began to erode which eventually lead to their defeat at the hands of the French forces under the leadership of ĽOuverture.
What makes the Haitian Revolution such an interesting subject, both historically and religiously, is because of its relative importance and impact, especially given the relative size of the country. Haiti is not a complete island, not even the majority of one, but this rebellion deeply involved the empires of Spain and France as well as the growing territories of the US; all of whom were dynamically impacted by the course and outcome of the Haitian Revolution. This conflict also shaped the history of the Western Hemisphere, directly impacting the development of New Orleans, the Louisana Purchase and American Southern culture. Further, it shaped our ideas of the Haitian people, their culture and belief systems. For many, Haiti remains a mystery that strikes fear in the hearts people who refuse to look beyond themselves. However, for Haitians and those who look to the Rebellion for inspiration, the lives of Bissou, Papillion, Bullet and ĽOuverture can provide a clearer understanding of the nature of leadership in the midst of conflict and remind us to be clear on our direction and purpose.
 David Geggus "The Bois Caïman Ceremony." The Journal of Caribbean History 25, no. 1 (1991): 41.
 Charles Forsdick, and Christian Høgsbjerg. "Making an Opening to Liberty: 1791–93." In Toussaint Louverture: A Black Jacobin in the Age of Revolutions, 32-53.
 Ada Ferrer. "The Archive and the Atlantic’s Haitian Revolution." Haitian History: New Perspectives (2012): 139.
 Joseph Saint-Rémy. Mémoires du général Toussaint L'Ouverture, écrits par lui même. (1850): 22.
 He also he fought both in Haiti and in Florida under the service of the Spanish Crown.
Website: Assassin’s Creed Wiki, http://assassinscreed.wikia.com/wiki/Georges_Biassou. Though this historical figure did make an appearance in the popular Assassin Creed video with Toussaint Bréda.
 Wenda Parkinson. This Gilded African. (London: Quartet Books, 1978), 40. A more in-depth understanding of his upbringing would definitely shed light on what drove him and the inspiration behind his brutality, nevertheless, perhaps the point is clear: brutality begets brutality.
 Ibid., 40. A more in-depth understanding of his upbringing would definitely shed light on what drove him and the inspiration behind his brutality, nevertheless, perhaps the point is clear: brutality begets brutality.
 Madison Smartt Bell. Toussaint L'Ouverture: A Biography, New York: Pantheon, 2007 (Vintage Books, 2008), 60.
 Ibid., 60.
 Ibid., 56. To be clear, Toussaint discourage the practice of Voodoo. However, there is evidence of practice of Voodoo in his life particularly with regard to medicine. According to most accounts Bréda was a practicing and devout Catholic, however, elements of African traditional practices are consistent throughout his life, despite narrative to the contrary.
 C. L. R. James. The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, Vintage Books, 1963. (Penguin Books, 2001), 90. See also: Toussaint Louverture: The story of the only successful slave revolt in history: A Play in Three Acts, 1934. (Duke University Press, 2013).
 The problem with Bullet’s tactics was that he was also known for killing other Africans who opposed his rule, his brutality was not just limited to whites. Because of his indiscriminant brutality Biassou and Papillion took it upon themselves to end Bullet. By November of 1791 Bullet was captured by his two former compatriots and execute for his war crimes.
 Madison Smartt Bell. Toussaint L'Ouverture: A Biography, New York: Pantheon, 2007 (Vintage Books, 2008).